News from ICLMG

Open letter: Over 130 members of Canadian legal community call on Trudeau government to deny French extradition request in case of Hassan Diab

In a new Open Letter calling for an end to fifteen years of manifest injustice in the case of Canadian citizen Hassan Diab, over 130 members of the Canadian legal community – including law professors, retired judges, practicing and retired lawyers, and legal researchers from across the country – have called on Prime Minister Trudeau to deny the French government’s second request that Dr. Diab be extradited to France.

The letter reminds the Prime Minister of his comments in 2018, after Hassan Diab returned to Canada following his earlier extradition. Dr. Diab had been held in a maximum-security prison in Paris for more than three years, almost entirely in solitary confinement and he was never officially charged or brought to trial. He was released and returned to Canada after the French investigative judge found solid evidence that he was in fact in Lebanon when the crime he was extradited for was committed. Prime Minister Trudeau stated that what had happened to him “never should have happened” and that steps would be taken to “make sure that it never happens again.”

In April 2023, Dr Diab was declared guilty by a French tribunal after a short and unjust trial. There is great political pressure in France for someone, apparently anyone, to be convicted for this terrible crime; it appears a conviction was inevitable, despite the lack of an actual case. In the view of the undersigned, this cannot stand.

Read the full media release here. The full letter is below.

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June 8, 2023

The Right Honourable Justin Trudeau
Prime Minister of Canada
80 Wellington Street
Ottawa, ON K1A 0A2

Dear Prime Minister:

As you know, for years many Canadians have been alarmed by the ongoing nightmarish ordeal of Dr. Hassan Diab, who was unjustly accused and has now been wrongfully convicted for a terrorist bombing that took place in Paris in 1980. In 2014, Dr. Diab was extradited to France on the basis of handwriting evidence that even the Ontario Superior Court Justice who committed him found to be “convoluted, very confusing, [and] with conclusions that are suspect.”

Dr. Diab was then subjected to solitary confinement for over three years—before being released following nearly three years of extensive investigation by two of France’s most experienced juges d’instruction (Jean-Marc Herbaut and Richard Foltzer) who concluded unequivocally that there existed no evidence to support sending Dr. Diab to trial (“Attendu qu’il n’existe dès lors pas de charges suffisantes contre Hassan Naim DIAB […] Ordonnons en conséquence la mise en liberté immédiate de Hassan Naim DIAB” (Jean-Marc HERBAUT et Richard FOLTZER: Ordonnance de non-lieu, p. 72 (le 12 janvier 2018)).

Five years have gone by and Dr. Diab’s situation has become even more shocking. Incredibly, in April of this year the French Special Assize Court (Cour d’assises spéciale) proceeded with a prosecution of Dr. Diab, in absentia, and he was convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment. An arrest warrant was also issued (“CONDAMNE, à la majorité, Hassan DIAB à la peine de la réclusion criminelle à la perpétuité; DÉCERNE mandat d’arrêt à l’encontre de Hassan DIAB.” (Cour d’assises de Paris, Arrêt criminel, No 21/0073, du 21 avril 2023)). This was despite clear previous acknowledgment by French prosecutors and courts that the main evidence said to prove his guilt—a handwriting analysis—was methodologically flawed and amounted to worthless evidence. Yet this same evidence was admitted at the trial, along with unsourced “intelligence” the origin of which could not be traced by the prosecution.

Moreover, according to French media reports and personal communications from supporters of Dr. Diab who attended the trial, the court ignored all exonerating evidence, including evidence that he was in Lebanon when the bomber was in Paris for at least 12 consecutive days from Sept 22 to Oct. 3, 1980; and dismissed the findings of the juges d’instruction that there was no valid case for conviction. Journalists who were not witnesses to any of the relevant events were called to give their “expert” opinions of guilt at the trial. Incredibly, there is no written transcript or recording of the court proceedings.

To be clear, the only new evidence adduced at trial was evidence strongly showing innocence—forensic fingerprint evidence on both the hotel card and police statement of the bomber that excluded Dr Diab, and evidence that he was in Lebanon when the bomber was in Paris. Observers at the trial noted that the Presiding Judge was uninterested in the defence evidence.

The verdict was decided by a majority of the five judges, meaning that one or maybe two judges opposed the ‘guilty’ verdict. There is no jury system available in the French anti-terrorist court and, following an in absentia verdict, there is no right of appeal. [Code de procédure pénale, Article 698-6 (Modifié par LOI no. 2021-1729 du 22 décembre 2021, art.15(V)]

Unsurprisingly, and as noted, a conviction was entered, and an arrest warrant was issued. On April 27, 2023, Senator Marc Gold, the Representative of the Government in the Senate, stated publicly that France has requested Dr. Diab’s extradition. There is great political pressure in France for someone, apparently anyone, to be convicted for this terrible crime; it appears a conviction was inevitable, despite the lack of an actual case. In the view of the undersigned, this cannot stand.

Prime Minister, in its decision regarding Dr. Diab’s initial extradition (France v. Diab, 2014 ONCA 374), the Ontario Court of Appeal ruled that extradition would be Charter-compliant for two important reasons: France was ready for trial, so Dr. Diab would not “languish in prison”; and there was no “real risk” that torture-derived evidence (via intelligence sources) would be used against him. Both of those have now come to pass. Dr. Diab did, indeed, languish in prison, before the case against him collapsed; and the intelligence evidence adduced at trial was admitted despite the prosecution’s acknowledgment that it was impossible to know its origin, raising the real concern, in fact the clear likelihood, that it was derived from torture.

We acknowledge that France is a longstanding treaty partner of Canada, but in this case, at nearly every turn, the French government’s actions have been in bad faith. The manifest unfairness of Dr. Diab’s trial raises the concern that France is in breach of its fair trial obligations under Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Canada and France are both parties. It further raises the prospect that, were Canada to extradite Dr. Diab, it would similarly be in breach of the Covenant by extraditing an individual to face a manifestly unfair criminal justice process.

Prime Minister, when Dr. Diab returned from France in 2018, you said that what had happened to him “never should have happened,” and that efforts would be made to ensure it did not happen again. We respectfully ask your government to keep your promise. As Amnesty International stated in March 2023, “Justice does not…come by pursuing a man against whom both the Canadian and French justice systems have already found there to be a lack of credible evidence.”

Extradition is an important tool in combating transnational crime, but it should not and must not be used as an instrument of persecution and scapegoating. France’s request for Canada to extradite Dr. Diab must be denied.

Respectfully submitted,

Robert J. Currie, K.C.
Professor of Law, Schulich School of Law, Dalhousie University, Halifax, Nova Scotia

Alex Neve, O.C.
Barrister and Solicitor, Adjunct Professor of International Human Rights Law, Ottawa, Ontario

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ICLMG reacts to troubling court decision on Canadians indefinitely detained in northeast Syria

Protest for the repatriation of all Canadians from NE Syria

OTTAWA, June 6, 2023 – The International Civil Liberties Monitoring Group (ICLMG), based in Ottawa, released the following statement today regarding the Federal Court of Appeal’s decision in Canada v. Boloh 1(a):

The Federal Court of Appeal’s recent decision on Canadians indefinitely imprisoned in northeastern Syria is deeply troubling. The ruling ignores the clear and undeniable fact that the Canadian government’s actions (and inaction) amount to leaving its citizens in life threatening, indefinite detention akin to torture. In its original ruling, the Federal Court found that the government had violated section 6(1) of the Charter and the country’s obligations under international law by essentially condemning these Canadians to exile and banishment. This remains the case.

The Canadian government’s unrelenting efforts to avoid their duty under both the Charter and international law is unacceptable. Canada must urgently repatriate all Canadian detainees – men, women and children – and, in the case of Canadian children, their parents as well.

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… we have a small favour to ask. Here at ICLMG, we are working very hard to protect and promote human rights and civil liberties in the context of the so-called “war on terror” in Canada. We do not receive any financial support from any federal, provincial or municipal governments or political parties. You can become our patron on Patreon and get rewards in exchange for your support. You can give as little as $1/month (that’s only $12/year!) and you can unsubscribe at any time. Any donations will go a long way to support our work.panel-54141172-image-6fa93d06d6081076-320-320You can also make a one-time donation or donate monthly via Paypal by clicking on the button below. On the fence about giving? Check out our Achievements and Gains since we were created in 2002. Thank you for your generosity!
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New CBSA and RCMP watchdog: ICLMG’s concerns and recommendations

ICLMG has submitted a brief on Bill C-20 (An Act establishing the Public Complaints and Review Commission and amending certain Acts and statutory instruments) to the House of Commons Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security.

The bill would would reform the existing review and complaints mechanism for the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) and create, for the first time ever, a dedicated review and complaints process for the activities of the Canada Border Services Agency (CBSA). It would do so by transforming the existing Civilian Review and Complaints Commission (CRCC), renaming it the Public Complaints and Review Commission (PCRC).

Existing watchdogs and their limitations

Significant change was brought about with the establishment of the National Security and Intelligence Review Agency (NSIRA) in 2019, creating the first overarching body empowered to review Canada’s national security activities. Importantly, this included the national security related activities of the CBSA, subjecting this federal law enforcement agency to any form of independent review for the first time. However, NSIRA was never intended to provide complete coverage of CBSA’s activities, and considerable gaps remain in accountability and review of Canada’s immigration and border policing activities.

Beyond independent review and investigation of public complaints of the CBSA, it has been clear for many years that the review and complaints process for the RCMP has also been in dire need of reform. Long delays in review and investigation completion, often caused by refusal on the part of the RCMP to respond to interim reports, undermined the credibility of the review process; this was further worsened by the RCMP not following through on implementing recommendations, along with the under-resourcing of the Civilian Review and Complaints Commission (CRCC).

The many areas of concern in Bill C-20

Bill C-20 would address many of these concerns, the most crucial being the ongoing and inexcusable absence of an independent review body for the CBSA. However, there remain key areas where the bill continues to fall short and would require amendment at committee. Further, the study of Bill C-20 presents an important opportunity to examine whether the hybrid NSIRA-CRCC review and complaints investigation of the RCMP has proven effective and where there are areas for improvement. Finally, while not included in the legislation, we would urge the committee to also examine the resourcing needed for the newly proposed Public Complaints and Review Commission to carry out its expanded mandate.

Our brief examines the following key points:

  • Complaints process
  • Referrals of national security complaints and reviews
  • Rules mandating the discontinuance of complaints investigations and reviews
  • Investigational independence
  • Recourse and remedies
  • Restrictions on judicial review
  • Reporting, transparency and other concerns

You can read our full brief here, where we go into detail on each area. Below is a summary of our recommendations to the committee.

ICLMG’s recommendations

We made the following 29 recommendations for amendments to the committee:

  1. Amend ss. 38 and 52 to allow for public-interest third party complaints.
  2. Amend s. 33 to allow for the submission of systemic complaints.
  3. Amend ss. 52(1)(a) and 38(1)(a) to remove “trivial” from the reasons a complaint could be rejected.
  4. Amend s. 33(8)(b) to read, “the Agency or any current CBSA employee” in order for the public to submit complaints to CBSA employees
  5. That a definition of “national security” be added to s. 2(1); alternatively, that a working definition be included in a MoU between NSIRA and the new PCRC.
  6. That s. 10 be amended to allow the PCRC to make rules related to the process for referring national security related complaints and reviews to NSIRA and that these rules be shared publicly on the PCRC website; alternatively, that Bill C-20 be amended to require the PCRC to enter into a MoU with NSIRA, and that the MoU be shared publicly.
  7. That s. 13(2) be amended to require information regarding the number and nature of complaints and reviews that the PCRC has referred to NSIRA be included in the commission’s annual report.
  8. That the committee determine the best path to amend the NSIRA Act to allow the review agency to refer complaints back to the PCRC if it determines that, while the complaint is well-founded, that it is not closely related to national security.
  9. That Bill C-20 be amended to remove the requirement to terminate complaint investigations that could be dealt with under other processes or Acts, and to instead grant the PCRC discretion to refuse to terminate an investigation where there exists another “comparable, reasonably available and more appropriate” process. Further, the bill should allow for complainants to challenge such a decision within a reasonable amount of time following the communication of the PCRC’s decision.
  10. That provisions regarding the rejection or termination of reviews or complaints based on the premise that they “compromise or seriously hinder” the investigation or prosecution of any offence or the administration or enforcement of program legislation be modified to instead allow for an investigation or review to be suspended should such a review or investigation interfere with a legal proceeding in regards to the conduct that is the subject of the complaint. Barring this, that reviews and investigations are only suspended, pending the confirmation that they can be restarted, and that such decisions are made by the PCRC and not by the body that is the subject of the investigation.
  11. That the PCRC be made the sole investigating body for the public complaints it accepts regarding the RCMP and the CBSA, and that the government develop and implement a plan for PCRC to take control of all investigations within five years of its creation.
  12. That, alternatively, Bill C-20 be amended to allow the Chairperson to initiate reviews of completed complaints investigations that were carried out by the RCMP or the CBSA.
  13. Strike s. 84 and amend the bill to explicitly allow the PCRC to allow for a stay of removal or other interim remedies. Alternatively, allow for the filing of an accepted complaint with the PCRC to be used in the filing for a judicial stay of removal.
  14. That sections 67 and 68 be amended to allow the PCRC to: a) Initiate, or require the initiation, of a disciplinary process at the conclusion of complaint hearings b) Order certain forms of redress, particularly in the form of halting removals from Canada or allowing re-entry c) Recommend financial redress or awards for founded complaints
  15. That s. 28 be amended to allow the PCRC to make binding policy recommendations.
  16. That s. 72 be amended to allow for the initiation of a disciplinary process if actions have not been taken to respond to and implement PCRC recommendations.
  17. Amend s. 64 to require the sharing of interim reports with complainants and to allow for them to provide feedback.
  18. That s. 67(2) be amended to require that a complainant be informed whether or not a disciplinary process was initiated following a recommendation by the PCRC, and why.
  19. That s. 67 be amended to include a new section (3) that requires the PCRC and the complainant to be informed of the outcome of any disciplinary process initiated following a recommendation of the PCRC.
  20. That s. 68(2) be amended to require a complainant be informed whether or not a disciplinary measure was imposed following a recommendation by the PCRC, and why.
  21. That s. 97 also be amended to require the CBSA to report to both the PCRC and the complainant the outcome and any possible follow-up options following a disciplinary procedure.
  22. That s. 65 be removed to allow for judicial review.
  23. Amend s. 12 and s. 28(7) to allow for the public release of full reports.
  24. That s. 13(2) be amended to read “disaggregated demographic-based data”; alternatively, that it be amended to include an enumerated list of demographic categories that could be modified or supplemented by regulation.
  25. Remove s. 28(3); or, alternatively, remove 28(3)(a) and modify 28(3)(b) to read “no other review or inquiry has been recently undertaken on substantially the same issue by a federal or provincial entity.”
  26. Amend s. 28(4) to read: Before conducting a review on its own initiative, the Commission must give a notice to the Minister as to the nature and topic of the review.
  27. That s. 17(2)(b) be amended to read, “privileged information, including information subject to solicitor-client privilege or the professional secrecy of advocates and notaries or to litigation privilege […]”.
  28. Amend Bill C-20 to provide a mechanism to adjudicate disputes of information that is “relevant and necessary.”
  29. That Bill C-20 be amended in Part 4 to add: Review 93 The Committee of the House of Commons responsible for public safety matters must, a) within five years after the day on which the PCRC Act comes into force commence a comprehensive review of the provisions and operation of this Act, and complete the review within one year; and b) within three months after the day on which the review is completed, submit a report to the House of Commons setting out its findings.

For more details on each recommendations, consult the brief here.

Since you’re here…

… we have a small favour to ask. Here at ICLMG, we are working very hard to protect and promote human rights and civil liberties in the context of the so-called “war on terror” in Canada. We do not receive any financial support from any federal, provincial or municipal governments or political parties. You can become our patron on Patreon and get rewards in exchange for your support. You can give as little as $1/month (that’s only $12/year!) and you can unsubscribe at any time. Any donations will go a long way to support our work.panel-54141172-image-6fa93d06d6081076-320-320You can also make a one-time donation or donate monthly via Paypal by clicking on the button below. On the fence about giving? Check out our Achievements and Gains since we were created in 2002. Thank you for your generosity!
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