News from ICLMG

Editorial – No-Fly List: what is the government trying to hide?

no_flying_wide.5697beccdf526By Monia Mazigh – In January 2016, the International Civil Liberties Monitoring Group (ICLMG) with the great help of Ken Rubin, Canada’s long-time access to information warrior, filed an access to information application about the No-fly list.

More specifically, we asked for the number per year of written notifications sent to individuals to inform them they cannot fly. Also, given the media reports about the numerous cases of Canadian kids who were double-screened, checked and always delayed before boarding a plane at Canadian airports, we wanted to inquire about who is included on the no-fly list, especially minors. And finally, we asked about the appeal or redress process.

Last week, we received 88 pages of documents. Only 8 pages were unredacted. The rest was a succession of white pages where the information has been withheld from us because of, according to the governement, privacy issues, national security, crime investigations, enforcing the law, and other matters.

The documents, mainly memos, rated “Top secret” or sometimes “Secret”, were written by John Davies, the Director General of the National Security Policy Directorate, from the Department of Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness. These memos were addressed to the attention of the Senior Assistant Deputy Minister. They are about Specified Person Advisory Group recommendations. At the end of 88 pages, the memos are signed by another senior bureaucrat, Ratu Banerjee, apparently the acting Director General.

The mandate of the Specified Persons Advisory Group (SPAG) is to identify individuals who should be considered for specification and to provide advice to the Minister of Public Safety on which individuals should be specified, i.e. put on the Specified Persons List or the actual “no-fly list”.

The chair of the SPAG is the Director General of the National Security Policy Directorate. Other voting members include senior officials from CSIS, CBSA, RCMP and Transport Canada. A senior counsel from the Department of Justice and the Chief of Operations for the Passenger Protect Program from Transport Canada participate in meetings but only in an advisory capacity. What is interesting to know is that one senior official from CSEC may be invited, for an advisory role, when the individuals considered for specification are based wholly or in large measure on signals intelligence information.

The SPAG will meet every 30 days or less and it is the Transport Canada who is in charge of transmitting the names of specified individuals to air carriers.

In the Aeronautics Act that was relied upon by the Canadian government in 2007 to introduce the Passenger Protect Program, there are no explicit criteria for specification. However, it is unclear to us how the Act has been interpreted to use “reasonable grounds to suspect” as the criteria for the Minister of Public Safety to add names to the list. The memos explain further that “reasonable suspicion must be supported by factual elements that be adduced in evidence” but they do not elaborate on that aspect or at least we didn’t see anything in the documents on that issue.

The SPAG suggests a set of measures to be applied to listed persons:

– The denial of transportation;

– The requirement for additional screening;

– The permission to travel only if an in-flight officer is on board.

So basically, even if we are allowed to board on the plane, it doesn’t mean that our name is not on a list. It can mean that we are permitted to travel because there is an air marshal on board of the plane controlling our mouvements and supposedly assuring the security of the airplane.

The documents superficially address the question of de-specification in the following terms: “To ensure that the information about specified individuals remains accurate and up-to-date, and consequently that the grounds for specifying them remain current, at every monthly meeting the Chair of the Advisory Group will ask Members whether they have new information on specified individuals”.

However, we don’t know if there were cases of Canadians who were delisted.  We also learned that “the department or agency that originally nominated a person for specification will inform the Advisory Group when it no longer has reasonable grounds to suspect that he or she poses a threat to aviation security.”

Reading from these pages is a sort of a guessing game. A charade with skewed distribution of information, where the government is preventing us from seeing the full picture.

Inferring from these pages, we understand that some of the content released to us predated Bill C-51, whereas other pages inform us about the situation of the Passenger Protection Program after the introduction of Bill C-51. The hint resides in the threshold for specification of individuals. With Bill C-51, that threshold was lowered to include those who travel by air for the purpose of committing terrorist acts or joining terrorist groups.

Unfortunately, these documents didn’t answer our initial questions: how many Canadians are on the no-fly list? Why kids, like Adam Ahmed, the Hockey fan from Toronto, are still on the list with no possibility so far to remove them?

The whole question of redress and appeal remains a total mystery.

See the documents obtained through the Access to Information Act

Editorial – Entrapment: when does fiction stop and reality start?

john-nuttall-and-amanda-korodyBy Monia Mazigh – In June 2015, John Nuttall and Amanda Korody, two Canadian Muslims, were found guilty of terrorism charges. They were arrested because the RCMP alleged that the pair wanted to blow up the B.C. legislature. Since 2001, several Canadian Muslims have been arrested and convicted of terrorism. One of the most known terrorist cases is the Toronto 18. In that particular case, some defence lawyers tried to argue that their clients had been entrapped by informants who inflamed them and facilitated their plotting. At that time, these arguments were rejected by the judge and several of the accused were convicted of terrorism charges.

What is unusual in the case of Nuttall and Korody is that during their trial, the judge became concerned about the possibility of entrapment of the couple. Indeed, an RCMP undercover officer posing as a rich Arab businessman befriended them and helped them with their plot. During the trial, the head of an RCMP team tasked with investigating possible terror suspects testified at the B.C. Supreme Court “that he had concerns about entrapment and abuse of process near the start of a police sting.”

The couple’s defence lawyer argued that Nuttall and Korody were manipulated by RCMP informants to detonate pressure cooker bombs in the Victoria legislature on Canada Day in 2013. The couple, who converted to Islam, suffers from drug addiction and lived on welfare before they were arrested. Furthermore, police notes suggest that Nuttall could have a “mental developmental delay”. These facts are important to mention because, if the judge founds that entrapment took place, they would add to the evidence that law enforcement has a pattern of targeting vulnerable individuals as potential “wannabe terrorists”.

In 2013, a US Congressional research service report mentioned that “since the September 11, 2001 (9/11) attacks, the FBI has implemented a series of reforms intended to transform itself from a largely reactive law enforcement agency focused on investigations of criminal activity into a more proactive, agile, flexible, and intelligence-driven agency that can prevent acts of terrorism.”

Indeed, one of the methods adopted by the law enforcement agency is the introduction of an informant or “agent provocateur” into the life of “vulnerable people” to talk to them and encourage them to commit a terrorist act.

In 2014, Human Rights Watch (HRW) released a report, “Illusion of Justice”, that documented 27 counterterrorism cases. The HRW report indicates that, “according to multiple studies, nearly 50 percent of the more than 500 federal counterterrorism convictions resulted from informant-based cases; almost 30 percent of those cases were sting operations in which the informant played an active role in the underlying plot”.  Moreover, the report found that in many cases where entrapment had been deployed, people with mental and intellectual disabilities had been targeted.

Back to Canada, the use of entrapment seems to be a possible reality in the case of Chiheb Esseghaier and Raed Jaser. A wealthy Arab businessman, in reality a FBI informant, posed as someone who wanted to help the suspects into conducting violent acts. The mental status of one of the suspects (Chiheb Esseghaier) and the precariousness of the financial situation of Raed Jaser and the legal status of Ahmed Abbasi(1) in Canada (who was released after spending 17 months in detention in the US), were used as vulnerable factors to draw the suspects further into the terrorist act plotting.

This, of course, doesn’t excuse the sympathetic ideas that the suspects hold regarding violent ideologies but nevertheless it is interesting to consider the question: “would they still have planned or committted any acts if the undercover agent didn’t encourage them to do so?”

In Canada, an independent investigation is needed to tell Canadians whether the RCMP has been using the same entrapment strategies as the FBI. The decision of B.C. Supreme Court Justice, Catherine Bruce, regarding the entrapment of Nuttall and Korody could be the best reason to do so. However, the trial has been suspended after CSIS refused once again to turn over documents relating to their involvement in the plot. We could be in the dark for a very long time.


(1) According to Karen Greenberg, the director of the Centre on National Security at Fordham Law School in New York, Ahmed Abassi’s case seems to be the first and only time that the defence of entrapment was successfully used to have terrorism-related charges dropped.

Sources:

http://ici.radio-canada.ca/regions/colombie-britannique/2015/06/14/005-proces-nuttall-korody-terrorisme-inquietudes-human-rights-watch.shtml  

https://theintercept.com/2016/02/18/fbi-wont-explain-its-bizarre-new-way-of-measuring-its-success-fighting-terror/

https://www.hrw.org/report/2014/07/21/illusion-justice/human-rights-abuses-us-terrorism-prosecutions

http://news.nationalpost.com/news/canada/expelled-tunisian-student-suspected-in-via-rail-plot-says-real-instigator-is-mysterious-fbi-agent

http://www.thealfalfafield.com/2016/02/b-c-terror-trial-suspended-indefinitely-after-csis-refuses-to-discuss-their-involvement-in-plot/

Canadian groups call on the government to uphold the right to dissent

Today we join our voices together to express our deep concern about the Opposition motion that condemns the boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement.

We are strongly committed to democratic rights and freedoms for all Canadians. The right of dissent is enshrined in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Any attempt to criminalize, condemn, intimidate or silence peaceful and nonviolent actions of individuals and groups that support or sympathize with the BDS movement, should be rejected.

Criticizing or opposing Canada’s policies and/or a foreign country’s policies should not be condemned: it is the essence of our freedom and democracy. We remain committed to these principles and we call on our government to commit to them.

Canadian Friends Service Committee (Quakers)

Canadian Labour Congress (CLC)

Canadian Union for Public Employees (CUPE)

Canadian Union of Postal Workers (CUPW)

Independent Jewish Voices (IJV)

International Civil Liberties Monitoring Group (ICLMG)

Ligue des droits et libertés (LDL)

United Church of Canada (UCC)

TAKE ACTION!

Tell your MP you oppose the anti-Boycott motion!

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