20 years defending civil liberties

Islamophobia and the ‘War on Terror’

By Monia Mazigh

Immediately after 9/11, in December 2001, Canada passed its first anti-terrorism legislation despite the fact that it wasn’t affected by any terrorist attacks at that time.

Never was legislation adopted as quickly as the Anti‑terrorism Act (ATA) of 2001.

Seen from the outside, the legislation was written to tackle and prevent ‘terrorism.’ In reality, the ATA targeted mainly Muslim individuals and groups, but also other groups considered by Canadian intelligence agencies to pose a threat to the political, social or economic interests of Canada. Financial and human resources were diverted and increased to spy on Muslims at work, in their places of worship, and on university campuses.

Muslims came to represent the ‘Other’ who Canadians should fear or suspect to be violent or prone to violence because of their religious beliefs. This was not the result of any empirical or scientific studies. Rather, because the perpetrators of the 9/11 attacks were Muslims, all Muslims became guilty by ‘association.’

In 2002, three Canadian Muslim men – Maher Arar, Abdullah Almalki and Ahmad Elmaati – were either rendered or arrested upon their arrival in Syria and Egypt, and later detained and tortured at the request and with the complicity of the Canadian government. A few years later, another Canadian man – Muayyed Nureddin – shared the same tragic fate of being detained, tortured and imprisoned at Canada’s request. It took almost a decade before the Canadian government acknowledged its wrongdoing. However, this didn’t stop Canada from enforcing the anti-terrorism legislation nor from continuing to arrest and convict Muslims under this legislation. So far, even though there have been several non-Muslim perpetrators of acts that meet the Canadian legal definition of terrorism and have often resulted in many more casualties – such as the Quebec city mosque shooting – Muslim individuals make up nearly all those charged and convicted under anti-terrorism legislation for which the threshold of guilt is lower than for any other criminal acts.

In the last two decades, several Muslim Canadians were detained abroad by oppressive regimes that used anti- terrorism legislation or the so-called “global War on Terror” to justify arresting, imprisoning and silencing political opponents, or individuals opposed to the regime. Canada kept its head in the sand and barely lifted a finger to help these individuals until public campaigns were organized by family, friends and human rights activists to release them.

That was the case of the Canadian citizen Abousfian Abdelrazik who spent about six years in Sudan, both in prison and eventually in the Canadian Embassy in Khartoum. Upon his return, he declared that CSIS had told him, “Sudan will be your Guantanamo.” The Canadian government refused to deliver him a Canadian passport. They put up many obstacles for his return home, including threatening to charge anyone who contributed to his plane ticket with financial support of an individual on the UN 1267 terrorist sanctions list (even though Canada had urged the UN to remove Abdelrazik from it). In the end, a group of Canadian citizens defied the government and paid for Abdelrazik’s plane ticket. Luckily, no one was charged.

Benamar Benatta is an Algerian refugee who arrived in Canada from the US in 2001 after his visa expired. He claimed refugee status in Canada but because he had been a pilot in the Algerian military, he was racially and religiously profiled. Canadian authorities turned him over to American officials who imprisoned him for five years even after he was cleared of any suspicion of terrorism.

Following the Arab Spring of 2011, Khalid Al Qazzaz, a Muslim permanent resident studying in Toronto, travelled to Egypt to work for the newly-elected Egyptian president. He was arrested and detained by the military following a coup in 2013. His Canadian wife and their four children were barred from travelling back to Canada, their assets were frozen by the Egyptian authorities and Canada did little to press the Egyptian authorities for his safe return. Eventually, he was able to return to Canada following a campaign by family members and civil society groups.

The Canadian businessman, Salim Alaradi, was kidnapped, tortured and arbitrarily detained by the United Arab Emirates in 2014 on account of his trade ties with Libya, and the influence and political interference of the UAE in that country. He was eventually freed and returned to Canada in 2016.

In 2019, Yasser Albaz, another Canadian businessman, was arrested in Egypt and imprisoned without charges until a campaign by his family and friends helped to release him and bring him home in July 2020.

If these men weren’t Muslims, would they have been arrested, imprisoned and tortured? If these men weren’t Muslims, would Canada have remained silent and reluctant in defending their rights, or worse, been complicit in the abuse of their rights? Just think of the Canadian government’s outcry at the arrest of the two Michaels by China in 2018.

Meanwhile in Canada, in 2006, Muslim men were arrested and charged for planning to detonate truck bombs and attack the Canadian Parliament, the CBC headquarters and CSIS offices. The Toronto 18 was a group of eighteen Muslim Canadian men who were arrested and charged under the Anti‑terrorism Act. Seven pleaded guilty, three adults and one youth were convicted and released after a few years, four adults and two youths were released after the charges against them were stayed, and one youth had his charges dismissed. Despite public knowledge that the group had been infiltrated and enticed to plan those attacks by an informant working for and paid by a CSIS agent, these individuals were portrayed in the media as homegrown terrorists and harshly convicted accordingly.

Then, using and stoking the fresh fear-mongering around Daesh, the former Harper government passed the Anti‑ terrorist Act of 2015, formerly known as the infamous Bill C-51. Once again, this bill violated fundamental rights, especially of Muslim Canadians, particularly through secretive new powers for CSIS, expanding and codifying the No Fly List, and creating vast new information sharing powers.

Over the following years, Muslim Canadians who travelled to military zones controlled by Daesh were automatically labelled terrorists. They have been denied due process and are now being held in indefinite detention, in conditions akin to torture and with little prospect of release, including many children born there.

This is what Islamophobia looked like to me during the past 20 years. We must unite in our resistance and opposition to these unjust and discriminatory laws so we can build a society free of Islamophobia.


Monia Mazigh is an academic, award-winning author and human rights activist. She was the ICLMG National Coordinator in 2015 and 2016. moniamazigh.wordpress.com

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Canada’s National Security Practices Part of Genocide Against First Nations

Water Defenders lead a march against Bill C-51 in Toronto. Credit: Kevin Konnyu.

By Pamela Palmater

Throughout Canada’s relatively short history as a state, governments of all political stripes, together with the military, and various law enforcement and intelligence agencies, have treated First Nations as enemies – as threats to national security.1APTN National News, “Valcourt attacks Confederacy of Nations, calls chiefs ‘rogue’ and threats to national security,” APTN, May 16, 2014: https://www.aptnnews.ca/national-news/valcourt-attacks-confederacy-nations-calls-chiefs-rogue-threats-national-securit/. Minister of Aboriginal Affairs Bernard Valcourt responded to Chiefs who opposed proposed education legislation and said in the House: “The members of the House will agree that we should, as members, condemn in the strongest terms the threat of those rogue chiefs who are threatening the security of Canadians, their families and tax-payers.” From early colonial depictions of “Indians” as dangerous savages2Prime Minister Sir John A. Macdonald, “Official report of the debates of the House of Commons of the Dominion of Canada, 9 May 1883,” pp. 1107-1108. to modern-day intelligence assessments of First Nations as extremists,3Brett Forester, “CSIS weighed whether rail blockades supporting Wet’suwet’en could be classed as terrorism,” CBC News, Oct. 27, 2022: https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/csis-rail-blockades-assess-terrorism-1.6628584. CSIS labelled First Nations engaged in protecting their lands as “ideologically motivated violent extremists” and national security threats. Canada’s national security policies have changed little in either purpose or impact. Far from protecting the safety and security of Canadians, national security laws have been designed to “secure” the state’s assertion of sovereignty and control over First Nation lands, resources and peoples. In other words, national security laws and policies are about protecting Canada’s economic interests in First Nations’ lands by any means, including sustained violent acts of genocide.4National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, Reclaiming Power and Place: the Final Report of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, Government of Canada, 2019, vols. 1a and 1b: https://www.mmiwg-ffada.ca/final-report/ [MMIWG Report]. See volume 1a, p. 50: “The violence the National Inquiry heard about amounts to a race-based genocide of Indigenous Peoples, including First Nations, Inuit and Métis, which especially targets women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA people.” See also: National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, A Legal Analysis of Genocide: Supplementary Report of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, Government of Canada, 2019: https://www.mmiwg-ffada.ca/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/Supplementary-Report_Genocide.pdf [Genocide Report]. Canada’s national security policy can only truly be understood in the context of its ongoing genocide against First Nations and the related economic interests.5Dan Neu, Richard Therrien, Accounting for Genocide: Canada’s Bureaucratic Assault on Aboriginal People, Fernwood Publishing, 2003.

While historical acts of genocide included deaths from scalping bounties,6Daniel Paul, We Were Not the Savages, 4th ed., Fernwood Publishing, 2022. starvation policies,7James Daschuk, Clearing the Plains: Disease, Politics of Starvation, and the Loss of Indigenous Life, University of Toronto Press, 2019. forced sterilizations,8Karen Stote, An Act of Genocide: Colonialism and the Sterilization of Aboriginal Women, Fernwood Publishing, 2015; Tamara Starblanket, Suffer the Little Children: Genocide, Indigenous Nations and the Canadian State, Atlanta: Clarity Press, 2018; MMIWG Report, supra note 4. and Indian residential schools,9Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, Honouring the Truth, Reconciling for the Future: Summary of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, TRCC, 2015: https://ehprnh2mwo3.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/01/Executive_Summary_English_Web.pdf. the genocide continues today under different names: ongoing forced and coerced sterilizations and abortions;10Avery Zingel, “Indigenous women come forward with accounts of forced sterilization, says lawyer,” CBC News, April 18, 2019: https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/north/forced-sterilization-lawsuit-could-expand-1.5102981. discriminatory underfunding of food, water and housing;11MMIWG Report, supra note 4. the foster care system;12First Nations Child and Family Caring Society of Canada et al v. Canada [2016] CHRT 2: https://fncaringsociety.com/sites/default/files/2016_chrt_2_access_0.pdf. overincarceration;13Office of Correctional Investigator, “Indigenous Peoples in Federal Custody Surpasses 30%,” OCI, 2020: https://www.oci-bec.gc.ca/cnt/comm/press/press20200121-eng.aspx. forced assimilation14Pamela Palmater, “Genocide, Indian Policy, and Legislated Elimination of Indians in Canada” (2014) 3:3 Aboriginal Policy Studies 27 [Genocide & Indian Policy]. See also: Standing Senate Committee on Aboriginal Peoples, “Make it Stop: Ending the remaining discrimination in Indian registration: Interim report,” Senate of Canada, 2022: https://sencanada.ca/content/sen/committee/441/APPA/reports/2022-06-27_APPA_S-3_Report_e_FINAL.pdf. under the Indian Act,15Indian Act (1985 R.S.C c. I-5) [Indian Act]. deaths caused by racism in healthcare16 Mary-Ellen Turpel-Lafond, “In Plain Sight: Addressing Indigenous-specific Racism in Discrimination in B.C. Health Care,” Province of British Columbia, 2020: https://engage.gov.bc.ca/app/uploads/sites/613/2020/11/In-Plain-Sight-Summary-Report.pdf. Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, “Report, vols. 1-5,” RCAP, 1996 [RCAP]. and police killings of First Nations people.17Shivangi Misra, Ashley Major, Pamela Palmater, Shelagh Day, “The Toxic Culture of the RCMP: Misogyny, Racism, and Violence Against Women in Canada’s National Police Force,” Feminist Alliance for International Action, 2022: https://pampalmater.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/FAFIA_REPORT_MAY2022.pdf [Report on RCMP]. These acts were, and are, all part of a comprehensive strategy to weaken First Nations, which includes laws and policies designed to destroy them socially, culturally, politically and legally, in order to “secure permanent access to Indigenous lands and resources for the settler population.”18Genocide Report, p. 13; Pamela Palmater, “Clearing the Lands Has Always Been at the Heart of Canada’s Indian Policy” in Pamela Palmater, Warrior Life: Indigenous Resistance and Resurgence, Fernwood Publishing, 2020, pp. 202-204. Pamela Palmater, “Genocide, Indian Policy, and Legislated Elimination of Indians in Canada” (2014) 3:3 Aboriginal Policy Studies 27. To this end, Canada has engaged in a “slow-moving”19Genocide Report, supra note 4, pp. 9-10. genocide which “has taken place insidiously and over centuries,”20Ibid. facilitated by a sustained “low-intensity warfare”21Samir, Shaheen-Hussain, “O Canada? Separating myth from reality” (2005) 17:4 Turning the Tide, p. 3. against First Nations that continues into the present. National security laws, policies and practices over the years helped to keep track of both individuals and potential “hot spots”22Report on RCMP, supra note 17. of collective resistance which might threaten Canada’s war efforts against First Nations.23Andrew Crosby, Jeffrey Monaghan, Policing Indigenous Movements: Dissent and the Security State, Fernwood Publishing, 2018; Report on RCMP, supra note 17.

The finding by the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (National Inquiry) of ongoing genocide was met with both shock and outright denial by some commentators.24Tristin Hopper, “Historians oppose statement saying Canada is guilty of genocide,” National Post, August 11, 2021: https://nationalpost.com/news/canada/historians-oppose-statement-saying-canada-is-guilty-of-genocide. See also: The Globe and Mail, “Is Canada committing genocide? That doesn’t add up.” The Globe and Mail, June 6, 2019: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/editorials/article-is-canada-committing-genocide-that-doesnt-add-up/. MMIWG Report, supra note 4. They simply could not reconcile the political rhetoric with the lived realities of First Nations. Since genocide requires intent, it sounds incredulous when contrasted with Canada’s promises of reconciliation with First Nations, based on a nation-to-nation relationship that respects their inherent, Aboriginal and treaty rights. On the surface, it also seems to be in conflict with Canada’s vast array of human rights protections at the provincial, national and international levels. However, it is precisely this chasm between stated political objectives and actual state law, policy and practice that betray Canada’s ulterior motives. The National Inquiry found that:

Canada has displayed a continuous policy, with shifting expressed motives but an ultimately steady intention, to destroy Indigenous peoples physically, biologically, and as social units, thereby fulfilling the required specific intent element.25Genocide Report, supra note 4.

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Footnotes

  • 1
    APTN National News, “Valcourt attacks Confederacy of Nations, calls chiefs ‘rogue’ and threats to national security,” APTN, May 16, 2014: https://www.aptnnews.ca/national-news/valcourt-attacks-confederacy-nations-calls-chiefs-rogue-threats-national-securit/. Minister of Aboriginal Affairs Bernard Valcourt responded to Chiefs who opposed proposed education legislation and said in the House: “The members of the House will agree that we should, as members, condemn in the strongest terms the threat of those rogue chiefs who are threatening the security of Canadians, their families and tax-payers.”
  • 2
    Prime Minister Sir John A. Macdonald, “Official report of the debates of the House of Commons of the Dominion of Canada, 9 May 1883,” pp. 1107-1108.
  • 3
    Brett Forester, “CSIS weighed whether rail blockades supporting Wet’suwet’en could be classed as terrorism,” CBC News, Oct. 27, 2022: https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/csis-rail-blockades-assess-terrorism-1.6628584. CSIS labelled First Nations engaged in protecting their lands as “ideologically motivated violent extremists” and national security threats.
  • 4
    National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, Reclaiming Power and Place: the Final Report of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, Government of Canada, 2019, vols. 1a and 1b: https://www.mmiwg-ffada.ca/final-report/ [MMIWG Report]. See volume 1a, p. 50: “The violence the National Inquiry heard about amounts to a race-based genocide of Indigenous Peoples, including First Nations, Inuit and Métis, which especially targets women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA people.” See also: National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, A Legal Analysis of Genocide: Supplementary Report of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, Government of Canada, 2019: https://www.mmiwg-ffada.ca/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/Supplementary-Report_Genocide.pdf [Genocide Report].
  • 5
    Dan Neu, Richard Therrien, Accounting for Genocide: Canada’s Bureaucratic Assault on Aboriginal People, Fernwood Publishing, 2003.
  • 6
    Daniel Paul, We Were Not the Savages, 4th ed., Fernwood Publishing, 2022.
  • 7
    James Daschuk, Clearing the Plains: Disease, Politics of Starvation, and the Loss of Indigenous Life, University of Toronto Press, 2019.
  • 8
    Karen Stote, An Act of Genocide: Colonialism and the Sterilization of Aboriginal Women, Fernwood Publishing, 2015; Tamara Starblanket, Suffer the Little Children: Genocide, Indigenous Nations and the Canadian State, Atlanta: Clarity Press, 2018; MMIWG Report, supra note 4.
  • 9
    Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, Honouring the Truth, Reconciling for the Future: Summary of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, TRCC, 2015: https://ehprnh2mwo3.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/01/Executive_Summary_English_Web.pdf.
  • 10
    Avery Zingel, “Indigenous women come forward with accounts of forced sterilization, says lawyer,” CBC News, April 18, 2019: https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/north/forced-sterilization-lawsuit-could-expand-1.5102981.
  • 11
    MMIWG Report, supra note 4.
  • 12
    First Nations Child and Family Caring Society of Canada et al v. Canada [2016] CHRT 2: https://fncaringsociety.com/sites/default/files/2016_chrt_2_access_0.pdf.
  • 13
    Office of Correctional Investigator, “Indigenous Peoples in Federal Custody Surpasses 30%,” OCI, 2020: https://www.oci-bec.gc.ca/cnt/comm/press/press20200121-eng.aspx.
  • 14
    Pamela Palmater, “Genocide, Indian Policy, and Legislated Elimination of Indians in Canada” (2014) 3:3 Aboriginal Policy Studies 27 [Genocide & Indian Policy]. See also: Standing Senate Committee on Aboriginal Peoples, “Make it Stop: Ending the remaining discrimination in Indian registration: Interim report,” Senate of Canada, 2022: https://sencanada.ca/content/sen/committee/441/APPA/reports/2022-06-27_APPA_S-3_Report_e_FINAL.pdf.
  • 15
    Indian Act (1985 R.S.C c. I-5) [Indian Act].
  • 16
     Mary-Ellen Turpel-Lafond, “In Plain Sight: Addressing Indigenous-specific Racism in Discrimination in B.C. Health Care,” Province of British Columbia, 2020: https://engage.gov.bc.ca/app/uploads/sites/613/2020/11/In-Plain-Sight-Summary-Report.pdf. Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, “Report, vols. 1-5,” RCAP, 1996 [RCAP].
  • 17
    Shivangi Misra, Ashley Major, Pamela Palmater, Shelagh Day, “The Toxic Culture of the RCMP: Misogyny, Racism, and Violence Against Women in Canada’s National Police Force,” Feminist Alliance for International Action, 2022: https://pampalmater.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/FAFIA_REPORT_MAY2022.pdf [Report on RCMP].
  • 18
    Genocide Report, p. 13; Pamela Palmater, “Clearing the Lands Has Always Been at the Heart of Canada’s Indian Policy” in Pamela Palmater, Warrior Life: Indigenous Resistance and Resurgence, Fernwood Publishing, 2020, pp. 202-204. Pamela Palmater, “Genocide, Indian Policy, and Legislated Elimination of Indians in Canada” (2014) 3:3 Aboriginal Policy Studies 27.
  • 19
    Genocide Report, supra note 4, pp. 9-10.
  • 20
    Ibid.
  • 21
    Samir, Shaheen-Hussain, “O Canada? Separating myth from reality” (2005) 17:4 Turning the Tide, p. 3.
  • 22
    Report on RCMP, supra note 17.
  • 23
    Andrew Crosby, Jeffrey Monaghan, Policing Indigenous Movements: Dissent and the Security State, Fernwood Publishing, 2018; Report on RCMP, supra note 17.
  • 24
    Tristin Hopper, “Historians oppose statement saying Canada is guilty of genocide,” National Post, August 11, 2021: https://nationalpost.com/news/canada/historians-oppose-statement-saying-canada-is-guilty-of-genocide. See also: The Globe and Mail, “Is Canada committing genocide? That doesn’t add up.” The Globe and Mail, June 6, 2019: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/editorials/article-is-canada-committing-genocide-that-doesnt-add-up/. MMIWG Report, supra note 4.
  • 25
    Genocide Report, supra note 4.

Canada and Criminalization in the War Over Land and Nature

Poster for the movie Flin Flon Flim Flam. Credit: Investigative MEDIA

By Jen Moore

Almost five years ago, while working as Latin America Program Coordinator for MiningWatch Canada, I was declared a threat to public order and security in Peru and barred indefinitely from the country. My crime, and that of similarly-accused U.S. documentary filmmaker John Dougherty, was working with Peruvian organizations to show a film critical of Canadian mining company Hudbay to communities affected by its open-pit copper Constancia mine. The film, Flin Flon Flim Flam, presents critical testimony on this company’s operations from Manitoba to southern Peru.

Our case needs to be understood in the context of social control, repression and criminalization1MiningWatch Canada et al., “HudBay Operations in Peru and Guatemala: Violence and Repression Found to Result from Mining Company Contracts with State Security Forces,” MiningWatch Canada, November 28, 2019: https://miningwatch.ca/news/2019/11/28/hudbay-operations-peru-and-guatemala-violence-and-repression-found-result-mining that communities and organizations living and working around the Constancia mine face regularly. Hudbay’s mine has given rise to numerous protests over unfulfilled agreements with communities, as well as environmental and social impacts. Community demonstrators have faced police repression and legal persecution at the hands of the Peruvian National Police, who had a security services contract with Hudbay at the time of these events. Such contracts have been common in Peru and are hotly criticized2EarthRights International, the National Coordinator of Human Rights in Peru and the Legal Defense Institute, “Report reveals contracts between Peru’s National Police and Extractive Companies,” EarthRights International, February 19, 2019: https://earthrights.org/media_release/report-contracts-perus-police-extractive-companies/ for putting police at the service of private interests, contributing to the high incidence of violent repression of legitimate protest, causing injuries and deaths.

Our case is part of a “concerted attack” throughout the Americas on environment and land defenders, “aimed at disciplining and quashing individuals and groups in diverse countries in the hemisphere where considerable gains have been made to stop or slow the accelerated expansion of this industry and the serious social and environmental impacts which it entails,” as MiningWatch and ICLMG wrote in the 2015 report In the National Interest?.3ICLMG and MiningWatch Canada, “In the National Interest? Criminalization of land and environment defenders in the Americas,” ICLMG, August 2015: https://iclmg.ca/issues/in-the-national-interest-criminalization-of-land-and-environment-defenders-in-the-americas/ This report examines how the law has been progressively turned against defenders to impose a destructive and often unwanted model of mineral extraction on communities and even on whole

countries. Using examples from Peru, Mexico, Guatemala, Ecuador and Canada, the report also illustrates how the Canadian government has played a strategic role through aid, diplomacy and trade policy to facilitate the massive expansion of Canadian mining interests in the region. Canada is exporting abroad the same extractive industry dependence that the Canadian settler colonial state was founded on and continues to perpetuate.

Even before we arrived in Peru in April 2017, we were defamed in the press as trying to “sabotage” Hudbay’s operations. During community screenings, police and Hudbay representatives questioned local community members about our presence, while police surveilled our movements. Following a screening in the city of Cusco, we were detained for four hours by more than 15 migration officers and plain clothes police who claimed they needed to verify our travel documents, but who sought to interrogate us instead.

The next day, Saturday, the Ministry of Interior issued a public communiqué declaring us to be a threat to public order, accusing us of inciting communities to violent protest against Hudbay’s mine, and stating that the company’s permits were in order. On advice from our lawyers that we were in danger of the authorities cooking up false charges and that we could continue the legal process from afar, we left Peru. On Sunday, Migration Services banned us from the country indefinitely. We never had the opportunity to defend ourselves and only became aware of this decision months later.

Peruvian courts have since found that these actions constituted grave violations of my rights, and that the decision to ban my re-entry to Peru is illegal and arbitrary. A 2019 decision further found that police and the Ministry of the Interior acted with bias as a result of the security contract between Hudbay and national police.

Despite this, and despite being a Canadian citizen and human rights defender working at the time for an organization that enjoys generous support of prominent human rights and legal organizations in both countries, Canadian officials utterly failed to provide meaningful support, going as far as to make false and misleading statements to UN bodies.

Canadian cooperation in the cover up for Hudbay

A new report from the Justice and Corporate Accountability Project (JCAP)4Charis Kamphuis, Charlotte Connolly, Isabel Dávila Pereira, Mariela Gutiérrez, Sarah Ewart, and Danielle Blanchard, “The Two Faces of Canadian Diplomacy: Undermining Human Rights and Environment Defenders to Support Canadian Mining,” Justice and Corporate Accountability Project, December 10, 2022: https://justice-project.org/2022/12/10/the-two-faces-of-canadian-diplomacy-undermining-human-rights-and-environment-defenders-to-support-canadian-mining/ analyzes hundreds of pages of government records obtained through access to information requests about Canada’s response before, during and after our detention. The report weighs up the response of Canadian officials to their own guidelines for supporting human rights defenders, Voices at Risk, and finds that the government failed miserably.

While MiningWatch’s appeals to Canadian officials – with support from many other organizations – received no reply, Canadian officials were obliged to reply to correspondence signed by four United Nations and three regional human rights bodies.

The UN letter expressed concern for my safety and sought information about Hudbay’s potential involvement in our criminalization. After a three-month delay, Canadian officials responded, avoiding the UN’s question about how it had implemented, or not, the Voices at Risk policy. Regarding the company’s role, they stated they were “not aware of any evidence that Hudbay Minerals was involved in the actions of Peruvian authorities in detaining and questioning Ms. Moore.” But this was both misleading and false.

In all of my communications with Canadian officials, including detailed letters endorsed by many other organizations, I provided information on how Hudbay personnel had questioned community members prior to our detention and on the company’s contract with police, which we believed – and which Peruvian courts have found since – led to biased police actions against John and I. Embassy officials also reviewed social media posts by Peruvian organizations making similar claims. On this basis and according to its own policies, Canadian officials should have exercised due diligence, but there is no evidence that they did. In addition, Duane McMullen, then Director General of Trade Operations and Trade Strategy for GAC, received an email from a Hudbay employee three days after our detention. This person expressed support for our criminalization by Peru, and this should have raised a red flag, but Canadian officials reported none of this in their response to the UN. JCAP concludes, “By protecting Hudbay and withholding the information referred to here, Canada not only failed to cooperate with the Special Rapporteur, it also undermined the Rapporteur’s ability to fulfill its mandate and take steps to protect a Canadian [human rights defender].”

Overall, the failures were numerous and systemic. They provide further evidence of how Canada’s clientelistic relationship with the mining industry corrupts its ability not only to fulfill its human rights obligations, but to hear the calls of environment and land defenders to abandon the extractivist economic model that causes so much harm and puts them in ever greater danger.


Jen Moore is now based in Mexico and an Associate Fellow with the Mining and Trade project at the Institute for Policy Studies.

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Footnotes

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